End of the Red-Green government in Germany 

Below is an article from The Guardian attempting to briefly assess the legacy of Gerhard Schroeder, Joschka Fischer, and the Red-Green government in Germany (the article is not particularly insightful, but it’s a start).

As was their entrance into the German parliament in 1983, the participation of the Green Party in a longstanding governing coalition was a milestone for the international Green politics movement.

“Milestone” doesn’t necessarily imply good or bad. There is ongoing debate about the wisdom of participating as a junior partner with the establishment liberal party. Governing has built-in constraints and frustrations for the most dominant of parties; governing as a junior partner brings substantial responsibility without substantial influence.

Pros and cons:
Surely the Greens gained increased gravitas through their participation. There was increased recognition for the Green politics movement worldwide. There was much compromise, debatably too much. Party leaders Schroeder and Fischer generally worked together relatively effectively. The Green message was considerably diluted - at the same time that it got taken more seriously as a significant political factor.

Joschka impressed third world leaders with his relatively egalitarian perspectives. The Bushites and neocons hated him. I guess he must have been doing something right!

The Greens now go into opposition in Germany. They have polled a consistent (stagnant?) 8% for more than half a decade. Ecology resonates more and more strongly in Europe and I would predict the Green parties will move into the 10% - 15% range of popularity within the medium-term future.

I believe the long-term future is Green.

SW

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As Schroeder hands over the helm, Luke Harding assesses the progressive chancellor’s mixed legacy

The Guardian - October 11, 2005

The departure of Gerhard Schroeder from the chancellery in Berlin marks the end of an era for progressive politics in Germany.

After seven years at the head of a red-green government, Mr Schroeder yesterday announced he was resigning - to make way for his conservative rival Angela Merkel and a “grand coalition” between their two parties.

Joschka Fischer, his Green foreign minister, announced his own departure from frontline politics two weeks ago. Mr Fischer - who more than any other German politician became a symbol of German progressivism - will spend the next parliament on the backbenches.

So what did they achieve?

Mr Schroeder’s record in office has been mixed but historians are likely to praise him for at least two key achievements.

The first is in foreign policy where Schroeder and Fischer managed for the first time to shape a more assertive and independent role for Germany on the international stage.

It was not without its contradictions. In March 1999 Schroeder became the first post-war German chancellor to send troops abroad when he agreed that German soldiers could take part in Nato operations in Kosovo.

“A Social Democrat government is responsible for the first military engagement by the military since the second world war. This is a historic development,” Schroeder said at the time.

It was a sign that a reunited Germany - with the cold war over - was prepared to shoulder the multinational burden of peacekeeping and conflict resolution.

This same doctrine, of course, led to the celebrated breach with President George Bush over Iraq. In the summer of 2002 Schroeder criticised Bush’s decision to invade Iraq, in effect breaking off a transatlantic relationship between Germany and the US that had been built up over five decades. Schroeder even coined a phrase for this new doctrine - Friedenspolitik (peace politics).

The other key area where Schroeder deserves praise is his efforts to normalise Germany’s relationship with its past and present. His red-green government has made it easier for Turkish citizens, many of whom were born in Germany or have long been resident there, to acquire German passports.

Mr Schroeder has also had an exemplary record in dealing with Germany’s Nazi past. Speaking on the 60th anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz he reminded Germans that the legacy of the Third Reich was part of German identity.

“The memory of the war and the genocide are part of our life,” he said. “Nothing will change that; these memories are part of our identity.”

In other areas - principally economic - Schroeder’s record is lacking.

He embarked on a programme of reforms to Europe’s most powerful economy way too late - half way through his second term in office.

And despite his fabled presentational skills, Schroeder failed to communicate the need for changes to Germany’s once-invincible social model to ordinary Germans - and his own party. The result was a series of catastrophic election defeats that led Schroeder - ever the gambler - to call an early general election in May.

In the end, Schroeder did far better in last month’s election than anyone had predicted - thwarting a clear victory by the lacklustre Ms Merkel, and keeping his Social Democratic party in a coalition government.

His macho behaviour on election night may have been ungentlemanly but it seems to have worked - with the SPD now holding eight out of 14 ministries in Germany’s new cabinet.

My hunch is that Germans will miss the charming and roguish Schroeder. He may not have been a great chancellor, but he wasn’t a terrible one either. And at least he kept us entertained.

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